Privacy in Europe

By Paul Rubin
January 27th, 2012

The EU is apparently thinking of adopting common and highly restrictive privacy standards which would make use of information by firms much more difficult and would require, for example, that data be retained only as long as necessary. This is touted as pro-consumer legislation. However, the effects would be profoundly anti-consumer. For one thing, ads would be much less targeted, and so consumers would get less valuable ads and would not learn as much about valuable prodcts and services aimed at their interests. For another effect, fraud and identity theft would become more common as sellers could not use stored information to verify identity. Finally, costs of doing buisness would increase, and so we would expect to see fewer innovations aimed at the European market, and some sellers might avoid that market entirely.

(Cross-posted from the Truth on the Market blog.)

The Search Neutrality Police

By Tom Lenard
December 19th, 2011

Three months after holding a hearing on Google’s search engine business practices, Senators Kohl and Lee have written a letter to FTC Chairman Leibowitz urging a thorough investigation of the company.  As anyone with even the remotest interest in the subject knows, the FTC has had such an investigation underway for some time now, and it is undoubtedly the most high-profile antitrust issue currently on the agency’s agenda.  Thus, the only purpose for such a letter would seem to be to apply political pressure on the agency for what is, essentially, an antitrust law enforcement matter.

Most worrisome, the letter contains hardly a mention of what is in consumers’ best interests, which should be the focus of antitrust enforcement.  Instead, while the Senators write it is not their intention to protect any specific competitor, their arguments are based on the complaints of several competitors who testified during a committee hearing they sponsored to hear those complaints.

We hope and trust that the FTC is undertaking a thorough investigation based on antitrust law as opposed to bowing to pressure from elected officials.  This will increase the likelihood of a result that is truly in the interest of consumers.

Internet Hysteria – Are We Losing Our Edge?

By Scott Wallsten
December 15th, 2011

Scott Wallsten and Amy Smorodin

From Anthony Wiener’s wiener to the FCC’s brave stand on Americans’ shameful inability to turn down the damn volume by themselves, 2011 has been a big year for tech and communications policy. But how has one of the Washington tech crowd’s most important products—Internet hype—fared this year?  In this post, we seek to answer this crucial question.

The Internet Hysteria Index

The Internet is without doubt the most powerful inspiration for hyperbole in the history of mankind. Some extol the Internet’s greatness, like Howard Dean, who called the Internet “the most important tool for re-democratizing the world since Gutenberg invented the printing press.”[1] Others fret about the future, like Canada’s Office of Privacy Commissioner, who claimed, “Nothing in society poses as grave a threat to privacy as the Internet Service Provider.”[2]

Sometimes the hyperbole is justified. For example, thanks to Twitter, attendees at this past summer’s TPI Aspen Summit were privy to a steady stream of misinformation even before the DC-area earthquake stopped.[3]

In the same spirit, we present the Internet Hysteria Index (IHI). The IHI, which the DOJ and FCC should take care not to confuse with the HHI, is the most rigorous and flexible tool ever conceived for gauging the Internet’s “worry zeitgeist”. It’s rigorous[4] because it uses numbers and flexible[5] because you can interpret it in so many different ways that it won’t threaten your preconceived ideas no matter what you believe.

The IHI has two components. The first tracks fears of an unrecognizable, but certainly Terminator-esque, future Internet. We count the number of times the exact phrases “the end of the internet as we know it” and “break the internet” appear in Nexis news searches each year since 2000.

Figure 1: The End of the Internet as we Know It!


Figure 1 shows that 2011 produced a bumper crop of “break the internet” stories, mostly related to the Stop Online Piracy Act and the Protect IP Act. The spike in 2006 reflects a wave of Net Neutrality stories after AT&T’s then-CEO proclaimed that “what they [content providers] would like to do is use my pipes free, and I ain’t going to let them do that because we have spent this capital and we have to have a return on it.”

As our research illustrates, the “End of the Internet” hyperbole shows a healthy, generally upward trend, reflecting the effectiveness of our collective fretting and hand-wringing. Our data do not allow us to identify[6] whether the trend is due to clever Washington PR, lazy hacks retreading old lines, real concerns, or collusion among interest groups simply ensuring they can all stay in business by responding to each other.

The second component of our index measures the incidence of hand-wringing regarding the state of broadband in the U.S. In particular, this measure counts the number of times phrases suggesting lagging U.S. broadband performance show up in Nexis since 2000.[7] Figure 2 shows the results of our analysis.

Figure 2: The Grass is So Much Greener on the Other Side of the Pond: U.S. Broadband Sucks


The big spike in 2010 is related to release of the National Broadband Plan. The prior high, in 2007, saw stories focusing on the OECD rankings, broadband mapping, and the beginnings of broadband plan discussions.

Unfortunately, 2011 was not a good year for misinterpreting shoddily-gathered statistics. Figure 2 shows a dramatic drop-off in bemoaning the dire state of U.S. broadband, possibly after everyone just got really, really tired of talking about the National Broadband Plan. We’re extremely concerned that as a result, the U.S. may have fallen dramatically in the OECD worry rankings. In fact, in a warning shot across our bow, on December 14 the BBC reported that “the UK remains in danger of falling behind when it comes to next-generation mobile services” and superfast broadband.[8] We’re hopeful American fretting will pick up once analysts actually read the FCC’s USF order that was promulgated under the cover of 23 days between approval and publication. On the other hand, there is a risk that the sheer volume of the Order—the equivalent of more than 4 million tweets—might dissuade people from talking about it ever again.

For generations, Americans have taken a back seat to nobody on the important issue of Internet hyperbole. Let’s hope the inside-the-beltway crowd pulls itself together and breathes some life back into the speech economy. Happy New Year.


[1] http://motherjones.com/politics/2007/06/interview-howard-dean-chairman-democratic-national-committee

[2] http://dpi.priv.gc.ca/index.php/essays/the-greatest-threat-to-privacy/

[3] Picture from Funny Potato, http://www.funny-potato.com/blog/august-23rd-2011-east-coast-quake.

[4] It’s not.

[5] In other words, “probably pretty meaningless.”

[6] Actually, they do, but we don’t want to do the work.

[7] Specifically, the search is ((“U.S. falling behind “OR “U.S. lagging”) AND broadband) OR ((“United States falling behind” OR “United States lagging”) AND broadband).

[8] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-16174745

Carrier IQ: Another Silly Privacy Panic

By Paul Rubin
December 2nd, 2011

By now everyone is probably aware of the “tracking” of certain cellphones (Sprint, iPhone, T-Mobile, AT&T perhaps others) by a company called Carrier IQ.  There are lots of discussions available; a good summary is on one of my favorite websites, Lifehacker;  also here from CNET. Apparently the program gathers lots of anonymous data mainly for the purpose of helping carriers improve their service. Nonetheless, there are lawsuits and calls for the FTC to investigate.

Aside from the fact that the data is used only to improve service, it is also useful to ask just what people are afraid of.  Clearly the phone companies already have access to SMS messages if they want it since these go through the phone system anyway.  Moreover, of course, no person would see the data even if it were somehow collected.  The fear is perhaps that “… marketers can use that data to sell you more stuff or send targeted ads…” (from the Lifehacker site) but even if so, so what?  If apps are using data to try to sell you stuff that they think that you want, what is the harm? If you do want it, then the app has done you a service.  If you don’t want it, then you don’t buy it.  Ads tailored to your behavior are likely to be more useful than ads randomly assigned.

The Lifehacker story does use phrases like “freak people out” and “scary” and “creepy.”  But except for the possibility of being sold stuff, the story never explains what is harmful about the behavior.  As I have said before, I think the basic problem is that people cannot understand the notion that something is known but no person knows it.  If some server somewhere knows where your phone has been, so what?

The end result of this episode will probably be somewhat worse phone service.

(Cross posted from the Truth on the Market blog)

The AT&T/T-Mobile Merger Conundrum: Increase Efficiency AND Create Jobs?

By Scott Wallsten
December 2nd, 2011

How did the proposed AT&T and T-Mobile merger, which many viewed as so certain when announced, end up on life support? Is it because of the decision by the Department of Justice (DOJ) to challenge the merger in court? Or maybe because of skeptics’ claims regarding the likelihood of the merger “creating jobs?”

Those factors certainly played a role, but another reason the merger reached the brink of collapse is arguably because the current jobs crisis made it impossible for AT&T to justify the merger to antitrust authorities while also making it palatable to politicians and the FCC with its broader “public interest” standard.

For antitrust purposes, AT&T had to demonstrate that it would not substantially reduce competition and that if it did, the increased efficiency of a merged company would greatly outweigh those costs. For political purposes, in an era of persistent unemployment AT&T decided it had to demonstrate that the merger would create jobs.

Horizontal mergers between large competitors, such as the proposed one between AT&T and T-Mobile, are generally subject to tough antitrust scrutiny. Antitrust policy is indifferent to the effect of a merger on jobs, instead focusing on the effects of the merger on competition and consumers while weighing those effects against the potential economic benefits of a more efficient merged firm.

As the DOJ-FTC Horizontal Merger Guidelines note, “Competition usually spurs firms to achieve efficiencies internally. Nevertheless, a primary benefit of mergers to the economy is their potential to generate significant efficiencies and thus enhance the merged firm’s ability and incentive to compete, which may result in lower prices, improved quality, enhanced service, or new products” (p.29).

The efficiency argument is always a high bar in a merger case since “the antitrust laws give competition, not internal operational efficiency, primacy in protecting customers” (p.31). One way the merged company might increase efficiency would be to lay off large numbers of workers if it believed it could maintain service quality while doing so. By appearing to take that option off the table and arguing that the merger was, in fact, good for jobs, AT&T raised the efficiency bar even higher than it normally is.

It is, of course, possible to increase employment and efficiency if the firm increases output by more than it increases costs. AT&T made an argument consistent with that outcome in its filings by contending that spectrum constraints are distorting investment decisions at both AT&T and T-Mobile.

AT&T’s biggest claim regarding jobs was that the merger would lead to more jobs through better mobile broadband. However, the empirical link demonstrating that broadband increases employment—rather than simply being correlated with higher employment—has not been rigorously established, as Georgetown Professor John Mayo and I demonstrate in a paper published earlier this year.

As a result, even if DOJ were willing to consider effects external to the firms, industry, and direct consumers, the speculative nature of the claims would probably cause the DOJ to disregard them. As the Merger Guidelines note,

Efficiency claims will not be considered if they are vague, speculative, or otherwise cannot be verified by reasonable means. Projections of efficiencies may be viewed with skepticism, particularly when generated outside of the usual business planning process. (p.30)

The FCC is more sympathetic to the effect on jobs than DOJ, but the staff report made it clear that it expected the merger to result in a net loss of direct employment and was highly skeptical of the claims regarding the indirect effects on employment (see Section V(G), beginning at paragraph 259 for the jobs discussion).

In short, even setting aside the substantive questions of the net effects on competition, consumers, and broadband availability, the merger was always going to be an especially tough sell in the current economic and political climate.

To win the day, AT&T had to convince antitrust authorities that improved efficiencies by the merged firm would outweigh any resulting reduction in competition while simultaneously convincing politicians that the merger was good for jobs. But convincing DOJ that the company would increase employment risked signaling to DOJ that the merger was not about efficiency, and convincing the FCC that the merger was good for efficiency risked signaling to the FCC that the merger would not produce jobs.

Unable to thread that needle, AT&T’s strategy collapsed. Whether it will succeed with a new strategy remains to be seen.

Privacy Again

By Paul Rubin
November 17th, 2011

The Wall Street Journal had a long article-debate on privacy earlier this week.  The strongest pro-privacy is Christopher Soghoian of the Open Society Institute.  He confuses commercial privacy with government privacy:

“The dirty secret of the Web is that the “free” content and services that consumers enjoy come with a hidden price: their own private data. Many of the major online advertising companies are not interested in the data that we knowingly and willingly share. Instead, these parasitic firms covertly track our web-browsing activities, search behavior and geolocation information. Once collected, this mountain of data is analyzed to build digital dossiers on millions of consumers, in some cases identifying us by name, gender, age as well as the medical conditions and political issues we have researched online.”

When asked “Why is that a problem” he replies

“Many of the dangers posed by digital dossiers do not occur regularly, but are incredibly destructive to people’s lives when they do. An unlucky few will be stalked, fired, surveilled, arrested, deported or even tortured, all as a result of the data kept about them by companies and governments. Much more common are the harms of identity theft or public embarrassment. Even when companies follow best practices—and few do—it is impossible to be completely secure.”

Note that “parasitic firms” are collecting the data which is then used for arrest, deportation, and torture.  A bit of a disconnect. Identity theft is a problem, but the risk is decreasing and the costs are almost always low.  Moreover, identity thieves are crooks, not firms.

What is particularly interesting about the article is the survey data reported.  It demonstrates peoples’ confusion about the issues.  92% of the adults surveyed  “Think that there should be a law that requires websites and advertising companies to delete all stored information about an individual” but between 32% and 47% would like websites to provide information of some sort (ads: 32%, discounts: 47%, or news: 40%) “tailored to their interests.”  But of course these numbers are totally inconsistent.  If websites cannot keep any information about an individual, then they cannot provide tailored information since there will be nothing on which to base the tailoring.  The relevant questions are tradeoff questions, but the reported survey does not address these.

Cross-posted from the Truth on the Market blog

FCC Reform Bills

By Amy Smorodin
November 4th, 2011

Politico’s Morning Tech reported Thursday that the release of the text of the already-approved USF order would be delayed probably until next week.  The delay of yet another adopted FCC order in being released to the public makes legislation recently introduced all the more appropriate. 

Wednesday, Rep. Walden and Sen. Heller released legislation aimed at improving agency transparency and process at the FCC.  Although  some interest groups have voiced concern that the proposed reforms on transaction reviews would benefit telecom companies, or overall would curtail the agency’s ability to protect the public interest, the proposals concerning  a cost benefit analysis of regulations are sensible – and desperately needed. 

The reforms, as described in Sen. Heller’s press release, would:

Require the Commission to survey the state of the marketplace through a Notice of Inquiry before initiating new rulemakings to ensure the Commission has an up-to-date understanding of the rapidly evolving and job-creating telecommunications marketplace.

Require the Commission to identify a market failure, consumer harm, or regulatory barrier to investment before adopting economically significant rules. After identifying such an issue, the Commission must demonstrate that the benefits of regulation outweigh the costs while taking into account the need for regulation to impose the least burden on society.

Require the Commission to establish performance measures for all program activities so that when the Commission spends hundreds of millions of federal or consumer dollars, Congress and the public have a straightforward means of seeing what bang we’re getting for our buck.

Apply to the Commission, an independent agency, the regulatory reform principles that President Obama endorsed in his January 2011 Executive Order.

Prevent regulatory overreach by requiring any conditions imposed on transactions to be within the Commission’s existing authority and be tailored to transaction-specific harms.

Identifying an actual market failure a regulation is attempting to address should be a given for policymakers but, unfortunately, the FCC rarely takes that approach. Even if attempts at pre-emptive regulation are well-intended, it is virtually impossible to analyze the effects of a regulation without some measurable outcome.   TPI President Tom Lenard echoed both the need for an identified market problem and a cost-benefit analysis before enacting regulation in comments to the FCC in response to the Open Internet Order NPRM and in comments to the FTC regarding their proposed privacy framework, illustrating that such principles can, and should, apply across regulatory agencies. Recently, Scott Wallsten showed how the FCC could incorporate cost-effectiveness analysis into its decision-making process in the context of universal service reforms.

I’m crossing my fingers that some iteration of Rep. Walden and Sen. Heller’s legislation actually passes.  It’s a great start at sensible, meaningful reform to the agency.

Use the Market to Allocate Spectrum

By Amy Smorodin
November 2nd, 2011

TPI President Tom Lenard has a post on The Hill’s Congress Blog discussing the benefits of allocating spectrum via voluntary incentive auctions.  Authorizing the FCC to hold auctions would not only make more spectrum available for the development of wireless broadband, but will also be a big step in creating a more efficient, market oriented spectrum regime.

Purchasers of spectrum through an FCC auction receive an “exclusive license” allowing them to use the spectrum for whatever purpose they want, so long as they don’t interfere with other licensees.  Those uses can change as new technologies emerge—e.g., as subscription TV overtakes over-the-air TV.  This is why this market-based system is flexible and can be expected to achieve an efficient allocation over time.  Moreover, these quasi-property rights are necessary for providers to invest the tens of billions of dollars necessary for advanced wireless services.

Lenard also addresses calls to allocate a significant portion of spectrum freed-up by incentive auctions to unlicensed uses.

Under the unlicensed model, the FCC establishes rules—such as power limits for approved devices—under which any device and any user can operate.  While this approach has yielded benefits—WiFi most notably—as with the legacy command-and-control model, there is no market mechanism in an unlicensed regime to move spectrum to its highest-valued uses.  It is also extremely difficult to determine the opportunity cost of allocating spectrum to unlicensed uses, and no way—other than relative lobbying clout—to determine how much, if any, should be so allocated.

Lenard warns that the amount of spectrum obtained from incentive auctions that is set aside for unlicensed uses would have a direct impact on the amount of funds available for reducing the federal deficit.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates that incentive auctions would yield about $16 billion assuming proposals on the table to allocate spectrum and money to a public safety network are adopted.  The net contribution of incentive auctions to deficit reduction would be reduced substantially if any significant part of the spectrum is not auctioned and instead is set aside for unlicensed uses.

Read the entire post on The Hill’s Congress Blog.

The Introduction of New Domain Name Services: “Due Process” and Innovation

By Tom Lenard
October 25th, 2011

For those interested in encouraging innovation in the domain name space—which presumably includes the ICANN community currently convening in Dakar—the recent episode in which VeriSign proposed, and then quickly withdrew, a bundle of new services (the VeriSign anti-abuse domain use policy) raises important issues that will be revisited as new gTLDs are introduced.  Some of those issues are referenced in a recent blog post by Milton Mueller, but his emphasis on “due process” suggests a regulatory framework that is not friendly to innovation.

In order to introduce a new service, registries such as VeriSign are required to go through a pre-approval procedure—ICANN’s Registry Services Evaluation Process—which is characteristic of the public utility model that the Internet community has adopted for the domain name space, seemingly without a lot of consideration.  Under the public utility model, both rates and terms of service typically must be pre-approved by the regulator.  Pre-approval is also sometimes required when safety is an issue, the most notable example being the introduction of new drugs.

Pre-approval requirements necessarily raise the cost of introducing new goods and services.  Even under the best of circumstances, they take time and resources.  If multiple parties are allowed to participate in the proceeding, competitors are often able to raise their rivals’ costs.  Unless there are demonstrable offsetting benefits—which doesn’t seem to be the case here—pre-approval requirements should be avoided.

The public utility model has historically been applied to markets where there is a single provider—a monopoly—and competition is not thought to be feasible.  Prominent examples are local land-line telephone service and local electricity distribution.  The market for TLDs is not currently a monopoly and will become more competitive as the new gTLD program becomes operational.

Even in the case of a monopoly, however, the public utility model has well-known deficiencies.  When applied to a market where there is some competition, those deficiencies multiply.  One reason is that public utility regulation gives firms the opportunity to game the system to advantage themselves at the expense of their rivals.

Further, the public utility model has difficulties accommodating technological change, especially when it involves new goods and services.  These new possibilities often open opportunities for new competition, which undermines the rationale for the regulation and therefore will typically be resisted by those who benefit from that regulation.  This means that new offerings somehow have to be accommodated by a model that is usually based on a “simple” standard product or service.  The Internet, of course, has been an area of rapid technological change.

In the application submitted to ICANN, VeriSign proposed two types of new services:  a voluntary malware scanning service to assist legitimate sites that have been infected, and an anti-abuse policy to facilitate the takedown of abusive non-legitimate sites.

Mueller (and perhaps others) is primarily concerned with the second half of the proposal, which he calls “a gigantic alteration of domain name due process.”  Presumably, he is concerned that registries might take down legitimate sites without “due process”.  But why would a registry want to take down a legitimate site and lose the associated revenue?

A major purpose of the VeriSign takedown proposal appears to be to develop procedures in conjunction with registrars to comply with court orders and other legal requirements.  But what if a registry had a policy of taking down (or not accepting) registrations that were simply objectionable on other grounds, even if not illegal?  Should that be a problem?

A registry is somewhat analogous to a shopping mall.  The mall rents space to many tenants—major anchor tenants, such as Nordstrom and Macy’s—as well as a lot of smaller stores, and obviously has an incentive to keep its space rented.  However, the overall reputation of the mall and its value to the various tenants depends to a large extent on the other stores in the mall.  So the mall owner may not to want to rent to a store that sells pornography, or Nazi memorabilia, or pirated CDs.  Such stores would produce negative externalities for the other renters and in turn for the mall owner.  Of course, different malls will have different criteria for what they consider “legitimate” tenants, depending on the reputation they are trying to establish.  Shoppers—weighing the attributes of the various malls from which they can choose—can decide at which malls they wish to shop.

In a similar way (although the effect may not be quite as strong), a registry is concerned about the reputation of its TLD, and different registries may have different criteria.  For example, there already is a TLD (a “mall”) that specializes in pornography.  More TLDs means registrants have more choices.    Given the reputation the various registries are trying to establish, registries have every incentive to retain as customers websites they consider legitimate.

Thus, the central question concerns the incentives of the registries.  A regulatory approval procedure only seems justified if registries have both the incentive and the ability to behave in a way that is inconsistent with the interests of registrants and Internet users more generally (or, as economists would put it, inconsistent with economic efficiency).  However, whatever the structure of the sector (and even if it is a monopoly), the incentive of registries is to maximize the value of their platform, which they can do by maximizing the value of their service to their customers.

The alternative is straightforward:  simply permit registries to introduce innovative new services without going through a regulatory approval process.  ICANN doesn’t need to determine if a new service should be introduced because registries don’t have any interest in making their services less valuable.

(This entry has been cross-posted on CircleID).

Health Information Technology, High-Skilled Immigration, and Tax Administration: Radio Interview

By Arlene Holen
October 14th, 2011

I was a guest on Progressive Radio Network’s “Of Consuming Interest” on September 9th, where I spoke about my work at TPI on health information technology, high-skilled immigration, and tax administration.

In my conversation with radio host Jim Turner, I discussed links between health policy and technology. I outlined the effects innovation can have on costs—to raise or reduce them—and the importance of looking at evidence to make sure policies are on the right track. I also talked about how technology affects privacy, both broadly and more specifically with regard to electronic health records. Privacy is important for consumers but privacy is not free—there are tradeoffs that require striking a balance. For example, stringent privacy rules have slowed hospitals’ adoption of electronic records, resulting in higher infant mortality.

Jim Turner and I also talked about issues involving federal subsidies to health information technology. While such technologies have the potential to spur innovation, reduce costs, and improve patient care, the roughly $30 billion provided to health care providers to speed the adoption of electronic health records in the 2009 economic stimulus could result in substantial waste and unintended consequences, even slowing the adoption of electronic records. As I argued in published comments to proposed program rules, these subsidies may end up funding activities already underway rather than inducing new investment and innovation. They can also backfire with results opposite to their intent if complex rules and uncertainties about qualifying for payment increase investment risk.

Health information technologies were the subject of the Aspen Forum workshop session I organized on the Internet, social media, and drug advertising. Consumers need information because they are playing an increasingly active role in their health care, and they are increasingly turning to the Internet and social media. Advertising goes hand in hand with public information and studies show that the benefits of prescription drug advertising outweigh the costs. Indeed, restricting information about approved products results in the dissemination of inaccurate information and counterfeit products. In a recent opinion, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that drug advertising is protected speech under the constitution.

Turning to immigration and innovation, I said that although immigration is always controversial, especially when unemployment is high, most analysts agree that lifting our stringent caps on immigration by scientists and engineers would boost innovation, productivity, and economic growth. What is less well understood is that high-skilled immigrants pay substantially more in taxes than they receive in federal benefits and are a plus for the federal budget, as my study showed. In response to Jim’s question about immigrants potentially displacing American workers, I pointed out that immigrants with advanced degrees tend to be complementary with domestic workers rather than substituting for them, resulting in higher earnings and more investment. But high-skilled immigration policy has been held hostage to comprehensive immigration reform, which is highly controversial as it involves border control issues and the problem of undocumented aliens.

Innovation in computer technology has led many people to assume that having the government prepare individual tax returns would reduce tax compliance costs. But, a study I co-wrote with Prof. Joseph Cordes of George Washington University examined the evidence and concluded that implementing such a program is not advisable. Filers may not realize significant cost savings because checking a return for completeness and accuracy requires much of the same work as preparing a return. Advances in tax preparation software and other assistance have sharply reduced the cost of tax preparation, reducing the potential savings from return-free filing. Further, additional costs to employers and other payers of income would be large and would disproportionally burden small businesses—employers’ data reporting deadlines would have to be advanced to allow tax refunds to be timely, which people count on. A return-free system would also introduce problems regarding privacy, security, and taxpayers retaining liability for errors in government-prepared returns, which could pose a particular issue for low-income filers.

Please go to the Of Consuming Interest Website to hear the full interview.