Archive for the ‘Broadband’ Category

Satellite Broadband: Line-of-Sight, Not Out of Mind

Wednesday, August 11th, 2010

The National Broadband Plan (NBP) estimates that firms would need subsidies totaling $23.5 billion to invest in the infrastructure necessary for universal broadband coverage in the United States (Exhibit 1-A, click to enlarge).[1]

Base-case broadband availability gap

The problem with the Plan’s estimate is that it includes only DSL and 4G wireless and omits broadband-over-satellite, which is by far the cheapest option for serving the most costly areas.  Thus this “base case” grossly overstates the necessary costs of achieving 100% broadband availability.

The Broadband Plan notes that “while satellite is capable of delivering speeds that meet the National Broadband Availability Target, satellite capacity can meet only a small portion of broadband demand in unserved areas for the foreseeable future….[w]hile satellite can serve any given household, satellite capacity does not appear sufficient to serve every unserved household.” (p 137)

But satellite need not serve all “unserved” households.  Serving only the highest-cost households would yield enormous savings.

The 250,000 housing units (0.2% of the U.S. total) with the highest costs account for $13.4 billion of the claimed investment gap (OBI Technical Paper No. 1, p 41).  This eye-popping estimate reflects hypothetical decisions such as one to build out DSL to a single house in Orange County, NY for $366,126, which exceeds the county’s median home value, and to 30 dwellings in Kauai County, Hawaii at an average cost of $205,890 each, or about half of that county’s median.[2] Exhibit 3-H graphs the steep “hockey stick” costs implied by the base-case model.

In its technical supplement explaining the investment gap, the Broadband Team estimates that using satellite (with minor federal support) to serve those 250,000 homes would reduce the gap by at least $11.4 billion, or almost 50%.[3]

The authors have clearly considered the tremendous efficiencies afforded by satellite access, and acknowledge the adequacy of broadband-over-satellite at meeting the NBP requirement for connection quality.[4] Recommendation 8.13 urges the FCC to consider “alternative approaches, such as satellite broadband, for addressing the most costly areas of the country” (p 150).  As such, the “broadband availability gap” as calculated should not be considered a strict endorsement of the technologies assumed (DSL and 4G), but rather a starting point for comparing the costs and benefits of alternative proposals.

To be sure, broadband-over-satellite has some drawbacks compared to other technologies.  Existing satellite broadband plans offer slower download and upload speeds than most wireline or other wireless technologies, are more expensive, and exhibit higher latency due to extreme length of the “last mile” (more than 20,000 miles) to orbiting geostationary satellites.  Speeds will become less of an issue with two new satellites expected to go into service in the next two years, both offering up to 10 Mbps downstream to homes; Hughes says it will even sell business plans of up to 25 Mbps.

The question then becomes whether it is worth spending an additional $12 billion to give those households a DSL or 4G wireless broadband option.  To put that in perspective, consider that the U.S. government (NIH) budgets $50 million for discovery and development of drugs for “rare diseases”—defined as those affecting 200,000 or fewer people.[5] Many of those illnesses are deadly.  Does it make sense to spend billions to allow 250,000 households the option of reducing delays in their Internet transmissions by half a second?

Apparently the Omnibus Broadband team didn’t think so.  And thanks to the recent stimulus package, the USDA (the federal government’s longstanding supporter of rural broadband) is increasingly on board.  It’s time we unite to make satellite broadband a priority in proposals for access in America’s most remote communities.


[1] The chart is actually taken from the corresponding technical supplement.  In the Broadband Plan itself (See Section 8.1) the gap is referred to as the “broadband availability gap” and was pegged at $24.3 billion before the estimate was revised.

[2] Estimated costs of buildout reflect net cost (initial capex and ongoing support less revenue) with a 20-year time horizon and 11.25% discount rate (the NBP standard). Data on gap by county available at http://www.broadband.gov/maps/availability.htm

[3] The team reports the gap to be $10.1 billion—that is, reduced by a full $13.4 billion—when factoring in satellite “even with a potential buy-down” (p 41).  It appears they have not factored in their estimate of a $800 million-$2 billion buy down, a program in which the government would subsidize subscriptions to existing (planned) satellite capacity to bring the expected high subscription charges to a level approaching terrestrial service (p 93-94).  If necessitated, this cost would rightfully be subtracted from the savings, yielding the possible low of $11.4B reported above.

[4] That is, they acknowledge that satellite broadband will be sufficient for the “actual” 4 Mbps download, 1 Mbps upload minimum (NBP p 137).

[5] NIH requested this amount for the Therapeutic Rare and Neglected Diseases Initiative (see FY 2011 budget, p 5).  The amount overstates the magnitude of spending per patient because the program also covers neglected diseases, from which very few Americans suffer, and because it includes more than 6,800 diseases classified as rare, which together afflict an estimated 25-30 million Americans.

President Obama’s Spectrum Announcement

Tuesday, July 6th, 2010

The Obama Administration announced last week that it is adopting as Administration policy the spectrum portion of the FCC’s broadband plan.  This announcement is important because it will take a concerted effort on the part of the Administration to achieve the goals of the plan – i.e., to free up 500 MHz of spectrum for wireless broadband, primarily from reluctant federal agencies and broadcasters.  The spectrum initiative is arguably the most important part of the broadband plan.  (For another discussion of some of the options for increasing spectrum for broadband, see the TPI paper by Larry White, James Riso, and me.)

President Obama issued a memorandum to the heads of executive departments and agencies, outlining how the Administration intends to achieve this goal.  The memorandum is a good start, but it will take more than that for this effort to be successful.

The memorandum states that the Secretary of Commerce must submit progress reports twice a year to the National Economic Council (NEC), the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and the Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP).  Making those reports public would be a useful next step since that could create more pressure for agencies to show results.

NEC Director Lawrence Summers expanded on the President’s memorandum in a speech at the New America Foundation.  His speech may mark an important turning point in spectrum policy if it truly helps free up 500 MHz of spectrum.  Two other aspects of his speech, however, raise some questions.

Summers explained that the Administration proposes to use the auction proceeds first, for a public safety network, second, for job-creating infrastructure investment, and, a distant third, for deficit reduction.  The implication is that any new government revenue must be spent.  While many worthwhile projects certainly exist, hopefully new spending ideas will be subject to careful benefit-cost analyses.

Summers also placed the spectrum initiative in a broader economic context, and in the process seemed to imply that public action is generally a prerequisite for private sector investment and innovation.  That’s clearly the case with spectrum, but spectrum is a special case because the government controls it.  So, obviously, the government needs to act to free up spectrum for private sector activities.  In other cases, Summers’ proposition is debatable.

The FCC Tries to Find Its Way

Monday, June 21st, 2010

Three months after the Comcast decision the FCC issued a Notice of Inquiry (NOI) asking, basically, “what should we do now?”  Not being a lawyer, I have a difficult time understanding, let alone caring, whether the FCC’s regulatory authority derives from Title I or Title II.  As an economist, however, I do care about the content of proposed regulations.

So what problem does this NOI seek to solve?  It does not propose directly any new rules industry must follow.  Instead, it seeks a framework in which the FCC can regulate broadband in the future.

In other words, this NOI does not address how industry should behave, but rather how the FCC itself should behave.  Somewhat ironically, therefore, this NOI asks how to regulate the FCC, and reveals an existential problem for the Commission: what is it supposed to do, and does it have the authority to do it?

The Commission is to be commended for laying out the legal issues, but the road forward it proposes is inherently flawed.  Consider that scholars of new institutional economics generally agree that in order to be effective, regulatory institutions must meet several criteria: they must be independent from short-term political influence, transparent, accountable, and have clear limits on the extent of their jurisdiction.[1]

The NOI highlights the problem the FCC now faces as an institution—it does not know the extent or limits of its jurisdiction.  Ultimately, the FCC cannot set those boundaries itself.  Instead, it is up to Congress to define the FCC’s mission and the Courts to define the extent of its authority within its legislative mandate.

The current confusion is not the FCC’s fault.  Our telecommunications laws are antiquated and no longer appropriate for the fast-changing world of broadband and information technologies.  No amount of reclassification, forbearance, or other fancy footwork can change that basic fact.

It is time for Congress to rewrite our telecommunications laws in ways that do not rely on arbitrary definitions of services, and instead create an analytical framework flexible enough to accommodate these rapidly changing industries.  A new telecommunications law could recognize, for example, the inherent antitrust issues in many current debates, such as the question of vertical relationships underlying net neutrality.

Such a rewrite involves risks, to be sure.  Every interest group will fight to influence the process for good and ill, nobody will end up entirely happy, and we could end up with laws worse than those we have today.  Regardless, we could at least rest assured that a new law would better reflect the will of the people, as expressed through their elected representatives, than would the FCC’s current attempt to fit a square peg in a round hole.

Congress already appears to be taking the beginning steps in rewriting the 1996 Telecommunications Act.  It should view the NOI as a cry for help and further evidence that it should take action.  A regulatory agency simply cannot function properly when it has to ask in a public notice what it is allowed to do and how.  The courts have attempted to define boundaries in recent decisions, but the Commission believes it must act to meet Congress’s objectives.  But only Congress can define its objectives, and the time has arrived for it to do so.


[1] See Noll (2000) or Wallsten, et al (2004) for discussions (Noll, Roger. 2000. Telecommunications Reform in Developing Countries. SIEPR Policy Paper. Wallsten, Scott, George Clarke, Luke Haggarty, Rosario Kaneshiro, Roger G. Noll, Mary Shirley, and Lixin Colin Xu. 2004. New Tools for Studying Network Industry Reforms in Developing Countries: The Telecommunications and Electricity Regulation Database. Review of Network Economics 3, no. 3: 248-282.)  See also Weiser (2009) for a discussion of institutional features of Internet regulation (Weiser, Philip J. 2009. The Future of Internet Regulation. Legal Studies Research Paper Series 09, no. 02).

Regulating the Internet

Thursday, May 6th, 2010

So much for data-driven policy:

The Third Way